How Your Voices Made a Difference: Indictment

The big news…Despite the GOP attempting to deflect the investigation onto Hillary Clinton (in light of the revelation of her funding the infamous Steele dossier), the two are not a zero-sum proposition, and special investigator Robert Mueller continues digging into the campaign, business dealings, finances, and potential collusion of Donald and his cohorts. News broke over the weekend that Mueller may have filed the first charges in the investigation, though they’re sealed at the moment, and we won’t find out who is being taken into custody till Monday. (Update: We know.) Also, despite Jared Kushner’s denials, the lawyer he and Don Jr. met with to eagerly receive promised dirt on Hillary Clinton seems to have indeed been acting in direct conjunction with the Kremlin.

Meanwhile, amid rumors of the three congressional Russian investigations sputtering out, Brad Parscale, the director of Donny’s digital campaign, was summoned before the House Intelligence Panel. Michael Cohen, Donny’s personal lawyer, also appeared before the House and Senate intelligence committees, and Donny’s campaign consultant Carter Page will finally testify before the House Intelligence Committee next week, after months of dodging. Meanwhile Don John’s beleaguered former campaign chair Paul Manafort faces yet another money-laundering investigation, this time by the Manhattan U.S. Attorney, in collaboration with Mueller’s probe already under way. Things are getting juicy—even if Congress shuts its investigations down, hopefully Mueller’s findings will get to the bottom of exactly how—and with whose help—Russia meddled in the 2016 elections.

Adding their voice to those of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and rural and industrial interests, the auto industry has launched a vocal defense of NAFTA in the face of Donald’s continued threats to withdraw the U.S. from the trade agreement. “We need you to tell your elected officials that you don’t change the game in the middle of a comeback. We’re winning with NAFTA,” the group said on its website.

The Government Accountability Office has launched a probe into Donald’s sham voter fraud commission, formed to try to justify his baseless claims that the 3 million votes that lost him the popular election were fraudulent. The secretive organization is headed by Kris Kobach, who has a long track record of voter suppression and racial profiling, and though it nods toward bipartisanship with a few Democratic members, those members have complained of a lack of transparency and being routinely excluded from even the most basic meetings and info.

Meanwhile the Republican Party is hemorrhaging moderates, as Texas’s own Joe Straus announced he will retire at the end of his term as speaker of the house, and on the national level Jeff Flake (Senator from Arizona) joins the ranks of those on the way out. The loss of nonextremist, rational voices is bad—but Flake’s district has a serious challenge from a Democrat—which is good. Also good—freed from the yoke of seeking reelection, these lawmakers are speaking out. John McCain continues his not-so-veiled criticisms of Donald, most recently regarding his dodging of service in America’s military (despite his attacks on veterans, war heroes, and Gold Star families), calling out wealthy scions who avoided service on trumped-up pretexts like “bone spurs”—Don John’s exact and repeated excuse for deferring his service during the Vietnam War, which in his own words was “not a big problem, but it was enough of a problem,” and magically cleared up once he was safe from being called to war.

Jeff Flake also began speaking quite freely as soon as he announced his retirement: “Without fear of the consequences and without consideration of the rules of what is politically safe, we must stop pretending that the conduct of some in our executive branch are normal. They are not normal. Reckless, outrageous and undignified behavior has become excused as telling it like it is when it is actually reckless, outrageous and undignified…. It is often said that children are watching. Well, they are. And what are we doing to do about that? When the next generation asks us, why didn’t you do something? Why didn’t you speak up? What are we going to say? Mr. President, I rise to say, enough.”

Adding his voice to recent condemnations of Don John by George W. Bush and John McCain, Flake added that senators “must dedicate ourselves to making sure that the anomalous never becomes the normal. With respect, we fooled ourselves long enough that a pivot to governing is right around the corner, a return to civility and stability right behind it. We know better than that. By now, we all know better than that.”

Let us fervently hope that’s true. You can also check out Flake’s gloves-off op-ed about the Trump presidency here, and his lone-GOP-wolf opposition to racist, extremist senatorial hopeful Roy Moore here.

Kentucky judge resigned in the face of a pending ethics investigation into his abuse of his position, flouting of Kentucky law, and general douchebaggery in refusing to hear adoption cases where a parent was a “practicing homosexual.”

A generic ballot—reported on FOX, no less—suggests that if voting were held today for the 2018 elections, Democrats would lead by 15 points. Keep in mind that every FOX viewer just had a panic attack and is now more motivated to vote—so we have to keep getting the vote out!

Hang in there, warriors. Like so many things, the hallmark of successful activism is persistence, as this lifelong activist shares.

We’re Showing Up for Texas Today

Today we have a message for the president. Texans are hurting from Hurricane Harvey, and it will take us years to recover. While it will be some time before the full damage estimates and economic impact of the storm are assessed, we can be sure that our great state’s recovery will take a long time. But we’re Texans, and we’re not afraid of the hard work ahead of us.

Texas has never seen a storm like Harvey. It is epochal.

On his Texas visit today the president will likely take advantage of some photo opportunities, and speak some self-described perfect words. He will no doubt make promises and try to burnish his presidential image. But the real measure of his response will not be if he appears more presidential, but rather his administration’s accomplishments in the weeks, months, and years ahead. Will that response tackle not only the misfortunes of the affluent in this disaster, but also the misfortunes of those his administration has habitually targeted from its start?

It is difficult to reconcile the forthcoming pledges to rebuild impacted areas of Texas with the president’s pardon of Joe Arpaio as the storm was bearing down on Houston (for ratings, he said), his refusal to close border patrol checkpoints on evacuation routes out of South Texas, his destruction of some of our state’s most treasured natural gems to make way for his border wall, and his imminent repeal of DACA. That’s why we’re showing up for Texas today during the president’s visit.

There has never ever been a natural disaster in the U.S. during which public officials have had to clarify numerous times that those seeking shelter from the storm and  flooding will not be deported.

The test is simple. Will this administration start to take the threat of climate change seriously and begin tackling the technological and infrastructure challenges necessary to reduce the impact of future disasters like this one? Will this administration make sure that the poorest communities and communities of color – which suffer disparate impacts of natural disasters – recover from this storm? Or will those communities be offered only platitudes and empty gestures? Time will tell, but the recent actions of this administration make clear its steadfast refusal to extend the same consideration to those communities that it extends to the well-to-do. We are showing up today to make sure the administration knows we will not allow these concerns to be swept under the rug in the usual post-disaster niceties.

We also cannot forget that many other policies this administration pursues have negative impacts on our state, and when combined with the devastation from Harvey, further harm our state and our people.

The proposed border wall means Texans will lose their land through eminent domain, and fragile ecological regions will be decimated; even our own Senator John Cornyn’s recent border “security” bill doesn’t include funding for the president’s vision of this folly.

The nation’s largest inland port, Laredo, is on the front lines of the president’s Twitter war against against NAFTA. In 2015, Texas exported nearly $100 billion in goods to Mexico, and some 382,000 Texas jobs are linked to trade with Mexico. Targeting NAFTA hurts Texans and hurts our economy.

The president’s intention to rescind DACA, which is expected to happen this week, will have a disproportionate impact in Texas. Of the nearly 800,000 young adults whose DACA status has been approved, more than 25 percent of them live in Texas. They may have come to the U.S. as undocumented children through no fault of their own, but they have followed specific requirements to remain in the U.S. legally. As a result, they have graduated from colleges, started Texas businesses, bought homes, and built lives in Texas. For that they are being used to score political points by an administration determined to take a hard line on all immigrants regardless of status. He has used them as scapegoats. He lies about crime statistics to stigmatize a vulnerable group, and to stoke fear and hatred of all immigrants.

Trump’s policies will harm the Texas economy, which will be deeply strained during the long road of recovery from Harvey. We are already gearing up for the budget fights in Congress that could stifle the emergency relief we so desperately need.

Harvey has to be our top priority right now, as we anticipate thousands of evacuees coming to Austin. We have been and will continue supporting the rescuers and aid givers who need our volunteer hours and our financial and material assistance. But today we also need to send a message: Texans are great, resilient people, and we will do all we can to protect our state from policies that harm our residents and their livelihoods. 

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Statements from Our Lawmakers on the White Supremacist Violence in Charlottesville

These are in chronological order.

The offensive behavior displayed in Charlottesville is an attack on our American values. Racism and violence have no…

Posted by John Carter on Saturday, August 12, 2017





Conference Call with NARAL Pro Choice TX and CPPP: May 9, 2017 at 8 p.m. CT

Please join our next conference call on Tuesday, May 9 at 8 p.m. CT.

Guest speakers:

  • Dr. Valerie R. Peterson, who is on the Board of Directors of NARAL Pro Choice Texas. Dr. Peterson also shared her personal abortion story in the New York Times and continues to be engaged with reproductive rights in the Texas Legislature.
  • Stacey Pogue, Senior Policy Analyst, Center for Public Policy Priorities (CPPP)


Four things you can do to stop SB4

The time has finally come–the Texas House of Representatives is going to debate and vote on SB4 on Wednesday.

SB4 is the so-called “sanctuary cities” bill that will undermine community policing efforts and will affect our neighbors, our workforce, kids in our schools, and the relationship between police and our communities. This doesn’t just affect the immigrant community, it impacts everyone who may be asked to prove he or she is a citizen.

Here are 4 things you can do to help stop this terrible bill:

  1. Call your Texas House rep and ask them to vote AGAINST SB4:
    “Hi, my name is ________ and I am calling to demand that the Representative OPPOSE Senate Bill 4 in any form. [My family / Texas students / Texas children] deserve/s to live without fear, and to live lives of dignity and prosperity. Please tell the Representative that Texans OPPOSE SB 4 and they must too.”
  2. Join Indivisible Austin’s emergency conference call TONIGHT at 8 p.m. with representatives from United We Dream and Workers Defense Project
    Dial-in Number: 1-(712) 770-8067
    Conference Code: 409542
  3. Join Texans from across the state at the Capitol on WEDNESDAY to fill the gallery–let our representatives know we’re watching
    There are several events scheduled at the Capitol on Wednesday:
    9am – TRUST Coalition press conference, WEST Steps of the Capitol (*location changed from South to West steps*)
    10am – Person to Person Outreach for Representatives Going Into the House Chamber
    6pm – Prayer Vigil in the Rotunda
  4. Call, text, or email your friends and family members in other parts of the state and ask them to do #1!
    Here’s a target list of Texas House reps who need to hear from their constituents! Our representatives in Austin are on the right side of this issue, but there are reps across the state who need phone calls.

We have ONE LAST CHANCE to stop SB4 and protect immigrant families in our state. Please join us in rising to the challenge to #StandIndivisible and give it all we can!

April 25: Emergency Conference Call on SB4: “Sanctuary Cities” Bill

Our next conference call is on the night before the full Texas House votes on SB4, the “Sanctuary Cities” bill. We are lining up guest speakers, including Jose Garza of Workers Defense Project and Chris Valdez and Karla Perez Ramirez of United We Dream. Watch this space for more detail.

WHAT: Indivisible Austin Conference Call

WHEN: Tuesday, April 25 at 8 p.m. CT

HOW: Call 1-(712) 770-8067 / Conference Code: 409542

Facebook event

About Karla Perez Ramirez

Karla is the statewide coordinator for the United We Dream UndocuTexas campaign and a beneficiary of DACA. She is a second year law student at the University of Houston Law Center and Board member of United We Dream. English/Spanish.

About Chris Valdez

Chris works with United We Dream on Texas communications, is a court-appointed special advocate through Child Advocates in Harris County and is based in Houston. English dominant/Spanish proficient.

About Jose Garza

Jose Garza, Executive Director, Workers Defense ProjectJose Garza is Executive Director of the Workers Defense Project. Jose, who started at WDP in January 2016, is a native Texan who has devoted his career to the fight for working families and immigrant families. His homecoming to WDP is inspired by a “deep belief that this state can be a place where working families can get ahead.” (Barragan, AAS)

Jose started his career in Washington, D.C., where he worked for Congressman Ciro Rodriguez, attended law school at Catholic University, and worked for a federal district judge. He returned to Texas for the first time in 2006 to work on the border as an assistant public defender at Texas RioGrande Legal Aid, and then as an assistant federal public defender in the Western District of Texas.

In 2010, Jose returned to Washington, D.C. to serve as the Deputy General Counsel for the House Com­mit­tee on Education and Labor. He went on to work as Special Counsel to the National Labor Rela­tions Board, and most recently he served Secretary Tom Perez as a senior policy official at the U.S. Department of Labor. Garza brings extensive experience working with local, state and national labor organizations to build opportunity for working families and immigrant families.


Why We Fight Gerrymandering

Democracy in America is in trouble. All across the political spectrum, Americans feel alienated from their government. They find it distant, ineffective, corrupt, and interested primarily in serving the powerful at the expense of everyone else. Many millions have given up in frustration, feeling powerless to do anything. Others have embraced partisan warfare, turning our politics into a zero-sum battle for total dominance. The spirit of compromise is seldom seen, and idealistic belief in the promise of democratic self-rule seems almost hopelessly naïve. These are the conditions under which authoritarians rise and republics fall — believing the system has failed them, people look to strongmen for salvation.

The promise of a “great leader” is a false one; only we can fix what is broken. The Founders created this government to serve us, the American people, and if the government is failing in that service, it is our responsibility to do something about it. Fatalism, hopelessness, and nihilism get us nowhere — we must recommit ourselves to the ideals and hard work of democratic self-rule and take the system back for ourselves. The task seems almost impossibly huge, but this is America — there is nothing our can-do spirit and grit can’t overcome. A huge task such as this requires that we choose a place to start: to fix our broken politics, we must first take back control of our elections, and to do that we must put an end to partisan gerrymandering.

“A huge task such as this requires that we choose a place to start: to fix our broken politics, we must first take back control of our elections, and to do that we must put an end to partisan gerrymandering.”

First, a brief primer for those unfamiliar with gerrymandering. Every 10 years, the federal government conducts the census, after which seats in Congress are re-apportioned among the states based on relative shifts in population. After each census, the states undertake the process of redistricting — new election district maps are re-drawn to account for the change in the number of seats. In practice, all the districts, state and Congressional, are subject to change, so the district maps can change significantly every 10 years.

Our system of redistricting is inherently corrupt: the party that controls the state legislature draws the boundaries of the districts for every state and federal elected official. As you might imagine, the party in power uses this authority to draw maps that magnify its own power and weaken that of its opposition, often resulting in monstrously bizarre districts; the first such district was called the “Gerrymander,” and that name has come to describe any district drawn with absurd boundaries that serve partisan ends. Texas, as it turns out, has been one of the worst offenders — for decades, Democrats drew shamelessly gerrymandered districts, and Republicans are now returning the favor with a vengeance.

As an example of the power of partisan gerrymandering, consider the effect of Texas’ 2003 off-cycle redistricting, engineered by Tom DeLay. Prior to the redistricting, Democrats held 17 Congressional seats to Republicans’ 15; after the election following the redistricting, Republicans controlled 21 seats to the Democrats’ 11, a 6 seat swing. This huge swing was not the result of changes in population or a wave of political change; it was due almost entirely to how lines were drawn on a map. This is what happens when legislators are allowed to choose their voters.

“This huge swing was not the result of changes in population or a wave of political change; it was due almost entirely to how lines were drawn on a map.”

Partisan gerrymandering has tremendously corrosive effects upon our democratic system. Its tainted process and the absurd districts it produces are tangible evidence to the electorate that the system is rigged, eroding their faith in our elections. Gerrymandered districts can span hundreds of miles, joining together dissimilar communities with no real connection, resulting in “representatives” who represent little beyond raw, partisan power. The near-certainty of incumbent reelection in gerrymandered districts depresses turnout, discourages challengers from running, and contributes to elections being determined by small percentages of voters in increasingly partisan primaries. Artificially large legislative majorities are constructed, producing skewed policy outcomes and a false impression of ideological dominance. Partisan gerrymandering is a perversion of democracy, sacrificing fair elections and faithful representation to partisan advantage and the will to power.

This corrupt process has always been a problem in American politics, but the need to end it is greater now than it has ever been. The advent of Big Data and sophisticated statistical analysis have made it possible for parties to combine electoral, demographic, and consumer preference information in a way that allows them to predict with great accuracy how people will vote down to an almost individual level. The result is partisan gerrymanders of exceptional precision and durability, endowing dominant parties with artificially large majorities that are stable, even in the face of large changes in voter preference. These technical capabilities have only advanced since the 2010 redistricting, promising to make the next round of partisan redistricting even worse.

“Victory is possible: over 70% of Americans oppose partisan gerrymandering regardless of their political affiliation.”

We must act now, or risk America becoming a democracy in name only. This fight will not be short or easy — powerful entrenched interests in both parties do not want to surrender the power and security they gain from this corrupt system. Victory is possible: over 70% of Americans oppose partisan gerrymandering regardless of their political affiliation. Defending this system of institutionalized cheating is impossible, and no elected official wants to do it. If we are loud enough, organized enough, and persistent enough, we can force our representatives to publicly answer the question they do not want to hear: will you end partisan gerrymandering, or will you defend it? Faced with defending the indefensible, their system will crumble and we will take our first step in reclaiming the republic for the people.

Call to Action:

Call Cindy Burkett, chair of House Redistricting Committee, and Joe Straus, Speaker of the Texas House of Representatives about Congressional district Redistricting. Ask why there aren’t hearings being held on bills that could end hyper-partisan, racist gerrymandering of Congressional districts in Texas. Bills awaiting hearing in committee are HJR 32/HB 369, HJR 74, and HJR 118. NONE of the redistricting bills introduced over the past 4 cycles have been called to hearing. That means that in the past 8 years, every effort to de-gerrymander Texas has been ignored.

Thanks to Degerrymander Texas. More info here.

On calling the House Redistricting and Senate State Affairs committees

Greetings redistricting warriors! I have some pointers for how to approach your calls to House and Senate committee members. I am not a fan of supplying scripts — according to a recent article in the New Yorker, scripted calls are more likely to be ignored. If you can put key ideas into your own words, your call will have more impact as it will be more organic. To that end, I have generated a list of bullet points to consider before you make your calls. Think about them, figure out how to organize them, and express them in your own language. Don’t feel compelled to hit every one, or even any of them if you feel uncomfortable — the most important thing is to make the call and have your position logged; anything beyond that is a bonus!

If you are the type that likes to engage, remember to be respectful — it’s easy to get worked-up. Stay calm, but be persistent; staffers will be polite but will, in general, be politely blowing you off. When you talk to committee members about redistricting, consider the following points:

  • In light of the recent court ruling striking down racially gerrymandered districts, Texas is in danger of needing federal pre-clearance of district maps under the Civil Rights Act. A truly independent redistricting commission would shield Texas from federal oversight.
  • There is a large, bipartisan majority of voters (> 80%) in favor of some form of independent non/bipartisan redistricting
  • Redistricting is an issue that affects every Texan — at the very least, it deserves a public hearing.
  • You will likely be told the member has not looked into the bill — ask why the member has still not looked into this important issue.
  • Ask for a direct answer on the member’s views on redistricting: does he/she prefer partisan or non-partisan redistricting? The staffer will not give you an answer — request that they get back to you with the member’s answer.

I think that last bullet point is the most important one. The more we ask, the more likely we are to get an answer. If we can compile a list of members that oppose redistricting, we have the makings of a press release about committee members who support gerrymandering and may be able to generate more press interest. If they refuse to answer, that itself can be the basis for a story — committee members refuse to take a stand on gerrymandering.

If you are a repeat caller like me, you’ll find it more useful to focus your attention on the chair and vice-chair because what we want at this point is a public hearing, and they have control over such procedural matters. If they continue to refuse to consider public hearings, we can go to the press and try to push the story that the committees are blocking public hearings because they prefer Texas’ partisan gerrymandering.

Senate Committee on State Affairs committee members

House Redistricting Committee members

Tilting at the Redistricting Windmill

Listen: Carthy Shelton, Stephanie Swanson and Josh Hebert, DeGerrymander Texas; Liz Haltom, Texans Ending Gerrymandering

Like many of you, I am a newly activated liberal. It feels great. Yes, Trump is terrible, and the short-term outlook looks bad for a lot of public priorities, but his elevation has triggered an awakening that will persist after his time is up. I’m not going to quit and I know a lot of you aren’t either — America will be a better place for it. If earnest, patriotic, informed Americans like ourselves don’t take up the reins of self-governance then who will, amirite?

Burnout is always a concern, so I’ve decided give myself a local, shorter-term focus: advancing redistricting. In the state of Texas, we are behind the eight-ball: not only do the politics lean right in general, but the district maps are drawn in a way to even further disenfranchise those who do not lean right. Every battle in Texas is an uphill one, but that hill is made impossibly steep because of extreme gerrymandering. The fight to get fair districting in Texas is the foundational fight that makes all other battles more likely to succeed.


In the news, all of the attention is on the battle in the courts. There is much that is encouraging there, but we must not relinquish the fight before the Texas Legislature.

At this moment there are bills in both the House and Senate advancing bipartisan and nonpartisan redistricting commissions: HJR32, 74, and 118, HB369, and SB209. HJR32 and 74 will place ballot measures before the voters for the bipartisan commissions established in HB369 and SB209, respectively. HJR118 is a constitutional amendment creating a nonpartisan redistricting commission. HJR32/HB309 covers the state and federal legislative districts, HJR74/SB209 only covers Federal congressional districts, whereas HJR118 covers state, federal, and State Board of Education districts.

The bipartisan plans have a number of features in common: both choose members in the same, bipartisan way and redistricting plans require a supermajority vote of a 7-member bipartisan committee; both require that deviations in population size be kept below 2.5%; both require that district territory be contiguous, with joints at a single point being prohibited; both forbid any kind of racial or ethnic discrimination in the map drawing.

The differences, aside from the scope, are worth noting: the Senate plan contains provisions for the training of committee members, makes use of the notion of the compactness of a district and of drawing lines on natural boundaries, which is important to keep districts from sprawling halfway across the state, and in general has more detailed reporting requirements; the House plan is distinguished by forbidding the commission from considering partisan demographics or past partisan voting patterns in the drawing of district lines.

The nonpartisan commission bill HJR118 was introduced later in the session (the text became available earlier this month). It appears to be modeled closely on the bipartisan commission established in the state of California —it places boundary guidelines in a numerical order of priority: 1) follow the Constitution and strive for equal population; 2) follow the Voting Rights Act; 3) be geographically contiguous (contiguous is not defined); 4) cities, counties, neighborhoods, and communities of interest excluding those defined by partisan affiliation shall be kept intact where possible; 5) be compact (not defined); 6) not consider the place of residence of elected officials, nor partisan advantage. It lacks the training element of SB209, which is a weakness — analysis of California’s commission showed that such training is important. It general, it does not deal with the known problems that arose in the execution of the CA commission. That said, it is the only nonpartisan option — I would prefer elected officials be kept out the process entirely.

I want to stress that these are not perfect redistricting bills, but they are what we have to work with and are an important start — any of them would be a huge improvement over what we have now. There are only two legislative sessions, this one and 2019, before the next round of redistricting, so it is important that we resist making the perfect the enemy of the good. In any case, our chances of getting any of these bills through this session are small, but we can start the ball rolling by getting these bills onto the public radar. To that end, here is my short-term goal: get both the House and Senate to schedule public hearings on these bills.

If we can get public hearings, we get the opportunity to create a spectacle and draw attention to the issue. I believe Indivisible can generate a huge crowd of people from around the state to show up and testify, and doing so will accomplish something real and important.

Lawmakers ignore this issue because it is invisible — it is up to people like us to make it visible. There are substantial bipartisan majorities in favor of some kind of non/bipartisan redistricting plan, and showing up in large numbers to remind legislators of this fact does two things: it puts worry in the minds of legislators that fighting this issue can hurt them, and it gives potential candidates for office a popular issue to run on in any upcoming election in any district. On a longer-term basis, public hearings allow us to prepare the ground for an even more substantial fight in the next legislative session. They will be our public announcement: we are going to fight hard for this, so y’all better get ready.

Here’s what I’ve been doing to make that happen, and you can do it, too.

  1. I’ve contacted all the House and Senate committee members and expressed my support for these bills. I let the legislators know that even though I may not be in their districts, redistricting is an issue that affects all Texans, so I feel compelled to let them all know how I feel. Next, I’m calling the committee chairs on a weekly basis to check on the status of the bills. I’ve been getting politely blown off so far, but the more I call, the more I can start asking hard questions like “Why is Chairperson XXX refusing to deal with this legislation?” The more people that do this, the better — sustained pressure is what we need. Senate Committee on State Affairs committee members are here; House Redistricting Committee members are here. A list of bulleted talking points is here. In general, it is better not to follow a script. Scripted calls carry less weight than messages than you put into your own words, so spend some time with the bullet points figuring out what, if anything, you want to stress.
  1. I am calling media outlets throughout the state to encourage reporters to publish/produce stories on the redistricting bills before the legislature. I searched their sites for redistricting articles, noted the byline and contacted that reporter directly. I’ve contacted Texas’ public media outlets in a similar way. I’ve used both phone and e-mail, and have been successful with both, though e-mail appears to work better. I’ve been pitching the story as the logical follow-up to the court fight — Texas has a problem with how its district maps are drawn, and there are bills in the legislature that will make districting fairer and free it from the watchful civil-rights eye of the federal government. As the process moves forward, the story hook will need to change, so be flexible and creative; remember that reporters want to tell a story, not hear you complain, so pitch something you think many people would want to read.
  1. Finally, while Indivisible is a nonpartisan organization, that does not mean that you need to ignore your own partisan affiliation. Regardless of your affiliation, I encourage you to contact your party officials and leadership and let them know that this issue is a priority for you and that you would like to see them make a priority of it as well. I contacted my Texas State Representative Celia Israel the other day and had a nice conversation with a staffer about strategy. He hadn’t even considered a lot of the things I suggested, and it was a very productive conversation. He let me know that Manny Garcia is the head of messaging for the Democratic Party in Texas, so I called Manny directly and talked to him for a while about making redistricting a priority. He was a little hesitant at first, but it didn’t take long before he recognized the strategic value in taking this on right now. We’ll see if anything comes of it, but I intend to remain in contact with him.

As a next step, I plan to develop a statewide action group that focuses on redistricting, starting within Indivisible Austin. At the moment, there is a lot of basic, ground-level organization going on within IATX, and that process is going to take a while to shake out. Local district groups will have their own priorities, which is great and it’s what we all want to be a part of. That said, there are issues that affect all Texans and I’d like to leverage the power of Indivisible statewide in order tackle those issues: redistricting is a perfect example.

I can’t do this alone! If you would like to be part of this effort, please get in touch with me by email. Maybe we can set the example for how these groups are formed and organized for Indivisible groups across the state of Texas

I look forward to hearing from you all. Let’s make Texas fair!

Other ways to get involved:

Texans Ending Gerrymandering

Degerrymandering Texas















How Your Voices Made a Difference Last Week: March 19, 2017

Good news this week, friends: Republican MoCs are beginning to push back against Donald and his agenda–with health care, with the budget, and with his baseless wiretapping allegations. That’s the clearest sign so far that our voices are being heard. Don’t let up! The reason these GOP lawmakers are finding their spine is that constituents like us are forcing them to answer for their cowardice and complicity. Keep those calls going–a few minutes a day has an enormous impact, especially when so many of us are doing it.
  • In the Texas Legislature, a bill was filed in satire of the many bills attacking women’s rights, turning similar legislation on men, to ridiculous effect. Perhaps like all good satire, it will help shine a light on how ridiculous current legislation attacking against women’s rights is.
  • Federal judges in Hawaii and Maryland froze the Republican administration’s new Muslim ban even before it could take effect, ruling it as unconstitutional as the last version:
  • Heartening news of government working the way it is supposed to work–with cooperation from Republicans and Democrats in service and search of a higher good for all Americans–specifically in demanding a fuller investigation into allegations of GOP admin collusion with Russia.
  • 17 conservative Republican members of Congress announced they are supporting a clear statement about the risks associated with climate change, as well as principles for how best to fight it.